On the Death of Lenin

by Joseph V. Stalin

Speech by Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin at the beginning of the Second All-union Congress of Soviets (26 January-2 February 1924) just a few days after the death of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. The speech was published in “Pravda” on January 30, 1924:

“Comrades, 

we Communists are people of a special mould. We are made of a special stuff. We are those who form the army of the great proletarian strategist, the army of Comrade Lenin. There is nothing higher than the honour of belonging to this army. There is nothing higher than the title of member of the Party whose founder and leader was Comrade Lenin. It is not given to everyone to be a member of such a party. It is the sons of the working class, the sons of want and struggle, the sons of incredible privation and heroic effort who before all should be members of such a party. That is why the Party of the Leninists, the Party of the Communists, is also called the Party of the working class.DEPARTING FROM US, COMRADE LENIN ENJOINED US TO HOLD HIGH AND GUARD THE PURITY OF THE GREAT TITLE OF MEMBER OF THE PARTY, WE VOW TO YOU, COMRADE LENIN, WE SHALL FULFILL YOUR BEHEST WITH HONOUR!

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THE FOOLISH OLD MAN WHO REMOVED THE MOUNTAINS

Mao Tse-tung

June 11, 1945

Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung

[This was Comrade Mao Tse-tung’s concluding speech at the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China.]

Editor’s Note: JoP is publishing this article by Comrade Mao to commemorate his 128th birth anniversary which was on December 26, 2021

We have had a very successful congress. We have done three things. First, we have decided on the line of our Party, which is boldly to mobilize the masses and expand the people’s forces so that, under the leadership of our Party, they will defeat the Japanese aggressors, liberate the whole people and build a new-democratic China. Second, we have adapted the new Party Constitution. Third, we have elected the leading body of the Party–the Central Committee. Henceforth our task is to lead the whole membership in carrying out the Party line. Ours has been a congress of victory, a congress of unity. The delegates have made excellent comments on the three reports. Many comrades have undertaken self-criticism; with unity as the objective unity has been achieved through self-criticism. This congress is a model of unity, of self-criticism and of inner-Party democracy.

When the congress closes, many comrades will be leaving for their posts and the various war fronts. Comrades, wherever you go, you should propagate the line of the congress and, through the members of the Party, explain it to the broad masses.

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Fourth Anniversary of the October Revolution

V. I. Lenin

Written: 14 October, 1921
First Published:Pravda No. 234,October 18, 1921 Signed: N. Lenin; Published according to the manuscript.
Source: Lenin’s Collected Works, 2nd English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965, Volume 33, pages 51-59
Translated: David Skvirsky and George Hanna
Transcription\HTML Markup:David Walters & R. Cymbala
Copyleft: V. I. Lenin Internet Archive (www.marx.org) 2002. Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License

The fourth anniversary of October 25 (November 7) is approaching.

The farther that great day recedes from us, the more clearly we see the significance of the proletarian revolution in Russia, and the more deeply we reflect upon the practical experience of our work as a whole.

Very briefly and, of course, in very incomplete and rough outline, this significance and experience may be summed up as follows.

The direct and immediate object of the revolution in Russia was a bourgeois-democratic one, namely, to destroy the survivals of medievalism and sweep them away completely, to purge Russia of this barbarism, of this shame, and to remove this immense obstacle to all culture and progress in our country.

And we can justifiably pride ourselves on having carried out that purge with greater determination and much more rapidly, boldly and successfully, and, from the point of view of its effect on the masses, much more widely and deeply, than the great French Revolution over one hundred and twenty-five years ago.

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October Revolution in Russia: A Timeline

104 Years Ago: The October Revolution in Pictures

IN PICTURES: The Bolsheviks seized the Winter Palace 104 years ago in 1917, paving the way for the establishment of the world’s first socialist state. This piece was published by the teleSUR on November 06, 2017.

A brilliant Marxist theorist and politician, Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin galvanized support among workers and peasants.
A BRILLIANT MARXIST THEORIST AND POLITICIAN, BOLSHEVIK LEADER VLADIMIR LENIN GALVANIZED SUPPORT AMONG WORKERS AND PEASANTS.PHOTO:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS

Under the revolutionary leadership of Vladimir Lenin, the Petrograd Soviet, the Bolshevik Red Guards and masses of workers occupied and seized government buildings on Nov. 7, 1917, decisively taking the Winter Palace and toppling the Provisional Government.

Although the February Revolution had ousted the hated Tsarist monarchy, the Provisional Government that took over was incapable of meeting the needs of the people for “Peace, Bread and Land,” leading Lenin to argue for its ouster as well.

The armed, but nearly bloodless insurrection, paved the way for the establishment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the world’s first socialist state.

Immediately after taking power, the new revolutionary government held elections for a constituent assembly and began the process of nationalizing private property and industry to build socialism in what had only months before been a semi-feudal society.

The Petrograd Soviet and Bolshevik Red Guards, backed by workers, stormed the Winter Palace, taking it without much difficulty.
THE PETROGRAD SOVIET AND BOLSHEVIK RED GUARDS, BACKED BY WORKERS, STORMED THE WINTER PALACE, TAKING IT WITHOUT MUCH DIFFICULTY. PHOTO:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS
The Winter Palace was taken with little violence.
THE WINTER PALACE WAS TAKEN WITH LITTLE VIOLENCE. PHOTO:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS
Bolshevik Women
BOLSHEVIK WOMEN’S BATTALION STANDS GUARD AFTER THE WINTER PALACE WAS SEIZED. PHOTO:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS
Faced with impending defeat, the last guards of the Winter Palace under the Provisional Government stand watch.
FACED WITH IMPENDING DEFEAT, THE LAST GUARDS OF THE WINTER PALACE UNDER THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT STAND WATCH. PHOTO:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS
Workers gathering outside the Winter Palace.
WORKERS GATHERING OUTSIDE THE WINTER PALACE. PHOTO:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS
A Bolshevik Red Guard unit in 1917.
A BOLSHEVIK RED GUARD UNIT IN 1917. PHOTO:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS

SOURCE: https://www.telesurtv.net/english/multimedia/100-Years-Ago-The-October-Revolution-in-Pictures-20171030-0022.html

[THIS ARTICLE IS POSTED HERE FOR NON-PROFIT, NON-COMMERCIAL, EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE]

China and Cuba’s market reforms aren’t “revisionist”

Rainer Shea

Workers Today | October 26, 2021

In his work Critique of the Gotha Programme, Karl Marx took his objection to the analysis of some other communists as an opportunity to put forth an analysis of what needs to happen within communist development. At least in regards to the means of production, this analysis consists of the following ideas:

-That labor is not the source of all wealth; even without labor, we would have the wealth that nature gives us. Therefore, whether society has wealth doesn’t necessarily stem from whether labor is present.

-That there’s a difference between “labor” as it’s defined under the capitalist means of production, and labor as it would be defined under fully developed communism. Whereas labor under capitalism centers around business and the acquisition of property, labor under fully developed communism would not involve these things. 

As Marx articulates this: “In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished; after labor has become not only a means of life but life’s prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly – only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.”

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THE CHINESE REVOLUTION AND THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY

Mao Tse-tung

Marxists Internet Archive

December 1939

[The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party is a textbook which was written jointly by Comrade Mao Tse-tung and several other comrades in Yenan to the winter of 1939. The first chapter, “Chinese Society”, was drafted by other comrades and revised by Comrade Mao Tse-tung. The second chapter, “The Chinese Revolution”, was written by Comrade Mao Tse-tung himself. Another chapter, scheduled to deal with “Party Building”, was left unfinished by the comrades working on it. The two published chapters, and especially Chapter II, have played a great educational role in the Chinese Communist Party and among the Chinese people. The views on New Democracy set out by Comrade Mao Tse-tung in Chapter II were considerably developed in his “On New Democracy”, written in January 1940.]

CHAPTER I

CHINESE SOCIETY

1. THE CHINESE NATION

China is one of the largest countries in the world, her territory being about the size of the whole of Europe. In this vast country of ours there are large areas of fertile land which provide us with food and clothing; mountain ranges across its length and breadth with extensive forests and rich mineral deposits; many rivers and lakes which provide us with water transport and irrigation; and a long coastline which facilitates communication with nations beyond the seas. From ancient times our forefathers have laboured, lived and multiplied on this vast territory.

China borders on the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the northeast, the northwest and part of the west; the Mongolian People’s Republic in the north; Afghanistan, India, Bhutan and Nepal in the southwest and part of the west; Burma and Indo-China in the south; and Korea in the east, where she is also a close neighbor of Japan and the Philippines. China’s geographical setting has its advantages and disadvantages for the Chinese people’s revolution. It is an advantage to be adjacent to the Soviet Union and fairly distant from the major imperialist countries in Europe and America, and to have many colonial or semi-colonial countries around us. It is a disadvantage that Japanese imperialism, making use of its geographical proximity, is constantly threatening the very existence of all China’s nationalities and the Chinese people’s revolution.

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The Historic Journey Of The Communist Party Of China: Forging Ahead to Build a Modern Prosperous Society

R Arun Kumar

People’s Democracy | June 27, 2021

THE third session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC held in December 1978 was historic. This meeting took many important decisions to correct Left deviations and it embarked upon the task of putting the Party back on the correct path, both politically and organisationally.

The CPC decided that socialist construction in China would be according to ‘Chinese characteristics’, built on the initial advances made after the formation of the PRC. It pledged adherence to four cardinal principals: adherence to socialist road, people’s democratic dictatorship, leadership of the Communist Party, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. The CPC assessed that China is still in the primary stage of socialist construction. It stated that there will be various stages in each phase and concluded that the primary stage of socialist construction might take many decades. To achieve this, they have to reform their economy by opening it to foreign investment. “On the basis of self-reliance, we should develop equal and mutually beneficial economic cooperation with other countries of the world, introduce advanced technologies and equipment from abroad and make great efforts to improve work in science and education which was needed for modernisation”.

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The Nigerian socialist movement and the imperative of revolutionary organisation

by Osaze Lanre Nosaze

Pambazuka News | June 15, 2017

Recognising the structural basis of the organisational failure of the socialist movement is necessary for arriving at a correct conception of the organisational challenge confronting the movement. Explaining this failure by the contingent factors commonly adduced, it is only possible to arrive at a structuralist and mechanistic conception of the challenge. Only by recognising the structural character of the failure is it possible to realise that the challenge before the movement is to transform itself into an organic element and instrument in the struggle of the oppressed.

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