Wrestlers Luis Orta (60 kg) and Mijain Lopez (130 kg) achieved resounding victories against their rivals. On Monday, Cubans also won silver and bronze medals in long jump.
In a feat not previously achieved by any athlete, Cuba’s Mijain Lopez captured his fourth Olympic gold medal in Greco-Roman wrestling after defeating Georgia’s Iakobi Kajaia in the 130 kg final on Monday.
Jamaica’s health workers also sent a 200-kilogram batch of syringes, needles, masks, and disinfectants to fight the pandemic in Santiago de Cuba province.
On Sunday, Cuba’s Foreign Affairs Minister Bruno Rodriguez thanked the Venezuelan government for shipping 30 food containers and 20 tons of rice in bags to help the Island tackling the U.S blockade amid the pandemic.
The work plan continues to consider the hypothesis that the virus may have escaped from a Chinese laboratory. The WHO-China joint mission report, however, clearly concluded that a “lab leak is extremely unlikely.”
The work plan of the World Health Organization (WHO) on the second phase of investigation into the origins of COVID-19 is politicized and lacks a spirit of cooperation, a spokesperson for the Chinese Embassy in Britain said Sunday.
The accommodation of the Peruvian president, Pedro Castillo, woke up today under reinforced security, after the attempt by a group of violent protesters to reach the house, while the early political siege of the president grows.
The Chief of Police, General César Cervantes, specified that the president’s safety is guaranteed, after a group of approximately 300 right-wing protesters reached up to a block from the president’s house.
Through a letter made public, the Venezuelan diplomat Alex Saab, imprisoned in Cape Verde for more than a year for an extradition request from the United States government, denounced once again the illegality of his detention this Monday: In the letter appreciates the expressions of support received from the Cape Verdean people.
According to the Telesur web portal, Saab presented his case to the citizens of the African country and denounced that he had been kidnapped in that nation “under the instructions of the United States.”
Saab described that the humanitarian mission that, on behalf of the Venezuelan State, he has been carrying out since 2018, with a view to overcoming “the vicious and immoral economic blockade unilaterally imposed by the United States,” was entrusted to him by the President of the Republic, Nicolás Maduro.
Today, July 28, Venezuelans are commemorating the 67th anniversary of the birth of Commander Hugo Chávez; a date of special significance for our People and other Peoples of the world, who recognize the important contributions of the historic leader of the Bolivarian Revolution.
Undoubtedly, the debate on the legacy of the Eternal Commander touches all of us revolutionaries deeply, given the dimension of the work he carried out, always faithful to the ideology of another birthday boy of the month of July: the Liberator Simón Bolívar; a work whose historical transcendence has its essence in having awakened the hope of profound changes and significantly transformed the reality of the country, and why not to say it, of the planet. Chávez’s struggle led Venezuela towards a better destiny and placed it at the forefront of the construction of a new international geopolitics, with an outstanding role in the integration of the Peoples of Our Latin America and the Caribbean and, beyond, of the Global South.
Thomas Piketty’s book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, provides a monumental database for the history of capitalism. But the author’s interpretation of these data is based on an inconsistent theoretical framework that constantly oscillates between two definitions of capital: either capital as accumulated drawing rights on the value created; or capital as a factor of production in the neoclassical tradition. Capital as a social relation is forgotten and the history of capitalism appears as an accounting mechanism.Keywords: Piketty; capital
Thomas Piketty’s book Capital in the Twenty-First Century has rightly been welcomed: it provides a monumental source of data on the history of capitalism and offers information that will be essential for all those economists who want to study its dynamic in the medium and long term. Piketty thus follows in the footsteps of such authors as Angus Maddison1 and Pierre Villa.2 We should also thank him for making all of these materials freely available.3
In this work we find data on income inequality across the world, and it would be no exaggeration to say that the ‘Piketty group’ (including people such as Anthony Atkinson and Emmanuel Saez) has supplied a significant part of the arguments raised by recent social movements (the indignados, Occupy Wall Street, and such like) and even one of their watchwords: ‘We are the 99 percent!’
The following comments will be no less critical for that reason, however, since Piketty’s theoretical framework is not at the same level as his wealth of data. In order to demonstrate this, we will above all be examining the two fundamental laws of capitalism that Piketty uses in order to read his data. The central line of march of this investigation is the idea that Piketty incoherently mixes up two definitions of capital, both as a ‘factor of production’ and as the whole ensemble of ‘drawing rights’ on income.
What’s going on right now in Venezuela? Come see for yourself how Venezuelans are coping with US economic sanctions designed to cause a social implosion. The international press does not mention the different attacks on the Venezuelan people carried out by Colombian mercenaries sponsored by the United States government, come and learn about the economic war that the Venezuelan people suffer daily, in public transportation, in the distribution of gasoline, and medicine shortages in the midst of a global pandemic.Come and learn how the grassroots movements are responding to each of those deficiencies caused by the blockade that the United States has imposed on the Venezuelan people. The media also omits serious analysis of the role of the food distribution program known as CLAPs run through a government-community partnership reaching millions of Venezuelans.
There is no doubt, however, as indicated in a recent report by CEPR, that the US-imposed sanctions are indeed causing collective hardship and even death.
Bolívar had a revolutionary socio-political vision based on the principle that justice was the queen of republican virtues. The Liberator’s doctrine was based on the premise that the construction of a new social subject, far from monarchical exploitation, was based on a community where justice was a daily exercise.
In his practice and in his theoretical dimension, Bolivar, as a ruler and military man, was respectful of the values of equity and inclusion as a guarantee of social transformation after three centuries of colonial domination. In the pen and in the public actions of the Liberator there are examples of fair measures in favor of the environment, the enslaved, soldiers, indigenous people, women, peasants and popular education, always in tune with his ethical vision as a transversal axis of an emancipating ideology.
“The reality is that we need not only a new system of human rights, but a new Inter-American system. We must understand that the Americas to the north and south of the Río Grande are different, and we must speak as blocs.”
Rafael Correa, April 12, 2015.
The concept of Pan-Americanism has been a contested space since the early nineteenth century between the Bolivarian project of uniting the newly independent states of Latin America against foreign interference, on the one hand, and Monroeism, which has sought to establish the Americas as a protectorate of the U.S., on the other. The idea that the U.S. has the historic mission of leading a process of Pan-American unity against any European incursion contains the contradiction of introducing a new process of colonization, with all its multiple hierarchies of domination (race, class, gender, culture), but this time by Washington, in the name of regional autonomy and mutual assistance. Today we are witnessing a growing aversion to the Monroeist vision of Pan-Americanism as manifest in the deteriorating legitimacy of the Organization of American States (OAS) as an impartial association of the hemisphere’s countries. This deterioration is precisely due to Washington’s relentless opposition to Latin American independence and integration and its failure to adopt a policy based on recognition of the sovereign equality of nations.